buy custom History and Evolution of Labor Movement in the United States essay

buy custom History and Evolution of Labor Movement in the United States essay Granted, the working people of the United States have had to struggle to realize the gains they have accumulated to date. The contemporary American trade unions of formidable proportions are a reflection of improvements that did not come easily. Workers in the American society have built formidable trade union movements through organizing unions, earning the right to representation, employing the process of collective bargaining as the core of their activities, and fighting against bias and discrimination. From spearheading the drive to educate each child, labor movements in the United States have served to stabilize the national economy and safeguard the American democratic society. The roots of American trade union movements extend back to the early history of this country (Foner, 2006). As early as 1620, Pilgrims who were mostly working artisans started arriving at the Plymouth Rock. Captain John Smith, who initiated the influx on Virginias James River, requested his sponsors in London to send him more artisans and working people (Llewellyn, 2004). It is during those days that primitive unions comprising of carpenters, cabinet-makers, and cobblers made their initial appearances, often temporary along the Atlantic seaboard of colonial America. Indeed, workers in the colonial American society played an important role in the struggle for independence. However, it was after the declaration of independence that the aspect of trade union movements became widespread in the American society (Light, 2005). In the name of the slogan of the time, pursuit of happiness, printers, cabinet-makers, carpenters, and cobblers got engaged in strikes in the period between 1776 and 1779 demanding higher pays and shorter working hours. By early 19th century, there were recorded efforts by unions to improve the condition of workers through strike actions and negotiations. It was in 1820s however, that the numerous workers unions of that were involved in the effort to reduce the number of working hours from 12 to 10 started showing an interest in the idea of federationjoining efforts in pursuit of common objectives of the working population. Regardless of its weakness at the time, this effort reflected the desire of the working population to be afforded economic and legal protection from exploitation. This was in particular underlined by the fact that factory systema phenomenon that had produced misery and slums in England for decadeswas taking shape in the American society (Light, 2005). The factory system led to a wealthy few and grinding poverty for many. In light of this, the number of workers organizations proliferated steadily during the middle of the 19th century. It was during these times that unions in various cities started joining to form citywide federations. Though frustrated by the 1837 financial panic, the 1834 National Trade Union formed by workers in five cities was an nearly attempt at countrywide federation. Later on, in 1866, printers, stonecutters, cobblers among others sent delegates from their respective unions to a Baltimore meeting that conceived the National Labor Union. Again, not a very strong institution, the economic depression of 1873 ended it (Foner, 2006). The next thing that was to capture public imagination was the Knights of Labor. The Knights was an all-embracing outfit founded on the platform of coopertive movement. Apart from lawyers, bankers, gamblers, and alcoholic beverage dealers, who were not allowed membership into this organization, the Knights did not limit itself to wage earners, opening to include even farmers and small business owners. Although in a few years the Knights of Labor realized close to a million members from both skilled and unskilled workers, its vogue organizational structure nevertheless frustrated its members hopes of improvement in working hours and wages. This was in particular underlined by its leaders aversion to strikes and reliance on future promises of employers. This set the stage for the establishment of a practical labor union that could simultaneously address long-term objectives of a better society and the real activities of day-to-day functions of a union (Llewellyn, 2004). After many attempts over a long period, the first practical step in response to the need of a united labor movement front was a November 15 1881 meeting held in Pittsburgh. Delegates from printers, carpenters, cigar makers, among other workers unions and some others from the local units of Knights of Labor formed institution during this meetingFederation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions (Golembiewski, 2007). The constitution of this new workers front was inspired by then a dozen years old British Trades Union Congress and its most important agenda was legislation. Samuel Gompers from the Cigar Makers Unionstarting a career in the American labor movement landscape that was to span four decades, chaired this new outfit. The most significant step, however, came in 1986 when the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions evolved into the American Federation of Labor, still under leadership of Gompers. After experiencing some hitches with the former organization, a belief in the need for a more effective union organization informed the formation of AFL (Foner, 2006). Key Leaders of American Labor Movements and their Impacts on the Organizations The London, England born Samuel Gompers takes credit as one of the most influential leaders of trade union movements in the United States. As mentioned earlier, starting with chair of the Federation of Trades and Labor Unions and later as the president of the reconfigured American Federation of Labor, Gompers help shaped trade unionism in the United Sates in its formative years. A self-declared Marxist, Gompers was particularly hostile to socialism. He held conservative political views and believed trade unionists should accept the economic systems of the daycapitalism. Although these views led to the formation of a rival outfit, the Industrial Workers of the World, their membership numbers could not match those of AFL. In addition to facilitating the formation of the first practical trade union movement in the United States, Gompers also played a critical in the establishment of the Womens Trade Union Leaguean organization that educated women on the advantages of joining trade union s and furthered their demands of a better working condition (Light, 2005). Starting as a branch secretary of the United Mine Workers of America, John Lewis was another leader in the American trade unionism landscape who positively influenced the welfare of workers (Golembiewski, 2007). After noticing a decline in membership in his organization, UMWA, caused by growing unemployment, in 1935, Lewis mobillized seven heads of other trade unions to form an umbrella organizationthe Congress for Industrial Organizationassuming the presidency. Over the next few years, Lewis had been able to organize workers in the new mass production industries. This strategy was a success particularly in the light of the fact that by 1937, CIO had more members than AFL (Foner, 2006). A Republican, supporter of Roosevelt and a person who favored many aspects of the new deal, Lewis was however opposed to Roosevelts third term in office and resigned from the presidency of CIO after FDRS re-election. Nevertheless, Lewis used his retained leadership of UMWA to lead a series of strikes in the 1940s that lead to increased wages for miners. As a result, union membership rose significantly, which led to the Congress of the passing of Taft-Hartley act, an approach that sought to restrict the activities of trade unions. He left UMWA in 1960 (Foner, 2006). Another icon in American trade unionism is Walter Reuther, himself a son of a trade unionist and socialist activist. His activist started as an employee of the Ford Motor Company where he lost his job due to such. In 1946, assumed the presidency of United Automobile Workers and six years later succeeded Philip Murray as the president of the Congress for Industrial Organization. His public image as one of the post Second World War II progressive figures of trade unionism was because of his support of civil rights social welfare legislation. Under his leadership, the membership of UAW grew to 1.5 million. Furthermore, he employed his negotiation skills to reach an agreement whereby a laid-off automobile worker would take home an amount almost equal to the one an individual could when working (Light, 2005). Current State of Affairs in the US Labor Movement In 1955, American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organization merged into AFL-CIO and since then has been the only union federation representing the working class in the United States (Light, 2005). This institution transformed into American Federation of Labor in 1886. Although done in the name of unity, this merger saw the exit of militant and democratic unions with their leaders driven out of the unions, and persecuted under the creations of cold war government-corporation. In brief, the likes of Walter Reuther are not present in the modern day trade unionism (Foner, 2006). When AFC-CIO merger took place more than half a decade back, one in every three United States workers was in a union. During its 50th anniversary, less than 12.5% of the workers in the US belonged to a particular union while the organized percentage of workers in the private sector remained less than eight percent. Politicians have severely weakened the influence of AFL-CIO on employers. The United Airlines court proceedings in which this organization cited bankruptcy as a reason for denying its workers a pension that was part of its contract with them serves to evidently indicate this. The divide and rule strategy is evident in the labor movement industry today. In the postal industry, for example, there are five different unions representing different workers despite the fact that their major employer is one. In effect, the overall bargaining power of such employees becomes extremely limited. Arguably, US labor movement is on the verge of extinction, possibly never to return to its current form. Buy custom History and Evolution of Labor Movement in the United States essay

Lee v. Weisman (1992) - Prayers at School Graduation

Lee v. Weisman (1992) - Prayers at School Graduation How far can a school go when it comes to accommodating the religious beliefs of students and parents? Many schools have traditionally had someone offer prayers at important school events like graduations, but critics argue that such prayers violate the separation of church and state because they mean that the government is endorsing particular religious beliefs. Fast Facts: Lee v. Weisman Case Argued: November 6, 1991Decision Issued:Â  June 24, 1992Petitioner: Robert E. LeeRespondent: Daniel WeismanKey Question: Did letting a religious officiant offer a prayer during an official public school ceremony violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment?Majority Decision: Justices Blackmun, O’Connor, Stevens, Kennedy, and SouterDissenting: Justices Rehnquist, White, Scalia, and ThomasRuling: Since the graduation was state-sponsored, the prayer was deemed in violation of the Establishment Clause. Background Information Nathan Bishop Middle School in Providence, RI, traditionally invited clergy to offer prayers at graduation ceremonies. Deborah Weisman and her father, Daniel, both of whom were Jewish, challenged the policy and filed suit in court, arguing that the school had turned itself into a house of worship after a rabbis benediction. At the disputed graduation, the rabbi thanked for: ...the legacy of America where diversity is celebrated...O God, we are grateful for the learning which we have celebrated on this joyous commencement...we give thanks to you, Lord, for keeping us alive, sustaining us and allowing us to reach this special, happy occasion. With help from the Bush administration, the school board argued that the prayer was not an endorsement of religion or of any religious doctrines. The Weismans were supported by the ACLU and other groups interested in religious freedom. Both the district and appellate courts agreed with the Weismans and found the practice of offering prayers unconstitutional. The case was appealed to the Supreme Court where the administration asked it to overturn the three-prong test created in Lemon v. Kurtzman. Court Decision Arguments were made on November 6th, 1991. On June 24th 1992, the Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that prayers during school graduation violate the Establishment Clause. Writing for the majority, Justice Kennedy found that officially sanctioned prayers in public schools were so clearly a violation that the case could be decided without relying upon the Courts earlier church/separation precedents, thus avoiding questions about the Lemon Test entirely. According to Kennedy, the governments involvement in religious exercises at graduation is pervasive and unavoidable. The state creates both public and peer pressure on students to rise for and remain silent during prayers. State officials not only determine that an invocation and benediction should be given, but also select the religious participant and provide guidelines for the content of the nonsectarian prayers. The Court viewed this extensive state participation as coercive in the elementary and secondary school settings. The state in effect required participation in a religious exercise, since the option of not attending one of lifes most significant occasions was no real choice. At a minimum, the Court concluded, the Establishment Clause guarantees that government may not coerce anyone to support or participate in religion or its exercise. What to most believers may seem nothing more than a reasonable request that the nonbeliever respect their religious practices, in a school context may appear to the nonbeliever or dissenter to be an attempt to employ the machinery of the State to enforce a religious orthodoxy. Although a person could stand for the prayer merely as a sign of respect for others, such an action could justifiably be interpreted as accepting the message. The control held by teachers and principals over the students actions forces those graduating to submit to the standards of behavior. This is sometimes referred to as the Coercion Test. Graduation prayers fail this test because they put impermissible pressure on students to participate in, or at least show respect for, the prayer. In a dictum, Justice Kennedy wrote about the importance of the separating church and state: The First Amendments Religion Clauses mean that religious beliefs and religious expression are too precious to be either proscribed or prescribed by the State. The design of the Constitution is that preservation and transmission of religious beliefs and worship is a responsibility and a choice committed to the private sphere, which itself is promised freedom to pursue that mission. [...] A state-created orthodoxy puts at grave risk that freedom of belief and conscience which are the sole assurance that religious faith is real, not imposed. In a sarcastic and scathing dissent, Justice Scalia said that prayer is a common and accepted practice of bringing people together and the government should be allowed to promote it. The fact that prayers can cause division for those who disagree with or are even offended by the content simply wasnt relevant, as far as he was concerned. He also didnt bother to explain how sectarian prayers from one religion could unify people of many different religions, never mind people with no religion at all. Significance This decision failed to reverse the standards established by the Court in Lemon. Instead, this ruling extended the prohibition of school prayer to graduation ceremonies and refused to accept the idea that a student would not be harmed by standing during the prayer without sharing the message contained in the prayer.